"The
New Global Financial Challenge
--- Euro, Yen and U.S. Dollar ---"
October 13, 1999
at Hotel Okura, Tokyo
EIJS-GISPRI-IIMA Symposium
titled "The New Global Financial Challenge :
Euro, Yen and Dollar" was held with Hon. Helmut Schmidt, former
Chancellor of Federal Republic of Germany, as the guest of honor on
October 13, 1999, under the co-sponsorship with the Stockholm School
of Economics, the European Institute of Japanese Studies, and Institute
for International Monetary Affairs.
Chaired by Mr. Toyoo
Gyoten, the symposium had the keynote lecture by Mr. Schmidt, as a
main feature, and active discussion among panelists including Mr.
Kenneth Courtis and other distinguished guests from overseas.
About 120 people attended the symposium as the participants and observers,
including the officials of Ministry of International Trade and Industry,
and of Economic Planning Agency, as well as embassy representative
and many other experts and guests from major press, private entities,
think-tanks, etc.
Summarizing the symposium,
Mr. Shinji Fukukawa, Senior Advisor of GISPRI, concluded that a knowledge
intensive nation filled with wisdom would be the one to take on the
global management as a leader of the 21st century. With this,
the symposium was completed with an outstanding success.
[Keynote Lecture
by Dr. Helmut Schmidt]
Thank you very much for your kind, although
all too flattering words of introduction.
Well ladies and gentlemen, because there's going to be a panel discussion
afterwards which might go into some specifics of the subject, let
me try to in the first instance sketch out the global political background
for our subject of today, the background that I do see forthcoming
during the first quarter of the next century.
Secondly I might add some remarks on the present day situation, of
the three home countries or home economies of US dollars, Euro and
Yen, and only in the third place I will touch upon the present day
situation of the globalized financial markets.
As we look forward into the next century, the most important aspect
is the continuation of the global population explosion. This explosion
started shortly after World War II, at the beginning of our century
99 years ago there were 1.6 billion human beings on this globe. Today
we are six billion and by the middle of the next century, we will
reach 9 billion inhabitants of this planet. This continuing explosion
is in the main happening in Asia, although not in Japan.
Secondly, in the Middle East, in Africa, and in Latin America. Not
in Europe and only to a very small degree in Northern America. Not
in Europe, not in Russia, not in Japan, but in the rest of the world.
In 50 years time China and also India, both of them will grow, will
have grown to something around 15 hundred million people each. Each
of these two Asian countries will number almost as many people as
the whole globe did host at the beginning of our century.
One of the consequences is that almost all politicians in East Asia
and Southeast Asia already today regard China as a world power. And
in my view China will be a world power, India may follow, and possibly
also Brazil, possibly later on even countries like Nigeria and Indonesia.
Of course the United States will remain to be a superpower. I need
not give the obvious reasons for that, but also Russia, despite all
her enormous political and economic weaknesses, which may last for
one or two generations, despite of that, also Russia will remain to
be a world power because of its enormous territory, because of the
enormous riches of its minerals, not just oil and natural gas that
haven't been explored as yet, but to speak of being exploited, and
because of its possession of a vast number of strategic and tactical
nuclear weapons. Still many more than ten thousand nuclear weapons
in the hands of Russia.
I also do foresee that Japan will remain to be an economic and financial
world power, over the first decades of the 21st century, particularly
because I do foresee Japan to remain to be the world's greatest net
exporter of capital.
Due to the ingrained instinct of the Japanese nation to save and due
to its capacity for capital formation. The European Union right now
consists of fifteen nations, some additional member states will join
in the oncoming decades. The European Union today does create a little
more than 20% of the global domestic product, and about 15% of the
world's exports. These figures equal the respective figures for the
United States of America, roughly speaking. By comparison, the present
figures for Japan are about 7 or 8% of the world's domestic product,
and around 6% of the world's exports. All the other nations on this
globe presently are dwarfed by these figures for the EU, for the US
and for Japan. These three countries really are the great global players.
But then the population explosion plus the foreseeable continuation
of technological globalization and the technological globalization
in the long run is much more important than the financial globalization.
Plus the technological globalization will change the present day statistical
picture over the next two or three decades quite considerably. Within
three decades or so the size of the Chinese GNP, I would think, also
the size of Chinese exports may in three decades or so very well equal
Japanese figures of that time. And only within four decades or so,
will China overtake the GNP of the United States and the European
Union. But of course I'm talking of the aggregate size of the future
Chinese economy. Per capita, the Chinese will still remain a developing
country even after thirty years time. Think of Szechwan or the hinterland
provinces. To cut a long story short, if, and it's a big if, free
trade prevails, if the globalization of technology does prevail which
I think it will, then the growth of population in China and India,
of Brazil and many other countries, is going to change the picture
of the world. Not only new markets will appear, where there will be
additional demand for Japanese or Western technology and for Japanese
or Western manufactured products, financial services, but also now
competitors will arise. And the new competitors will offer cheaper
products due to lower wages and due to lower social benefits. And
therefore it will become decisive for America, for Japan, and also
for Europe whether or not we can enable ourselves to maintain an edge
in scientific and technological global market. If we cannot maintain
an edge then we will at first relatively speaking and then in absolute
terms lose some of our present day standard of living. Altogether
within the last two decades, into the next century, the political
power constellation will turn into a mighty polar structure, not just
one superpower but also China, also Russia, plus Japan as a financial
and economic world power, and possibly also the EU, possibly, as a
world power.
The integration of sovereign European nations into one economic union
started fifty years ago, when under the spiritual guidance of a great
Frenchman, Jean Monet, the so-called community for coal and steel
was created at that time just six countries, France, Germany , Italy,
the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg. Since then we have taken
one step after the other, and have enlarged the community to nowadays
15 and a dozen or so of additional states are queuing up for becoming
members as well. It's a unique undertaking because never ever in the
history of mankind have sovereign nations voluntarily cast their lot
into one common basket. We have seen the creation of super-states
or of empires by military force in every century, in every millennium.
But never ever have sovereign nations voluntarily joined their fate
and tried to transform nation states into members of a greater union.
It's a grandiose undertaking and of course it does meet with enormous
difficulties, also psychological difficulties, and therefore it does
take time. It can only be accomplished piecemealwise, once step after
the other, and every step quite naturally runs into opposition within
every of the 15 nations. It also runs into opposition in the oncoming
new member states.
The latest step so far has been the creation of the common currency
called Euro. By the way, we have been planning for that over twenty
years. We did take the first steps in 1978 and in 79, twenty years.
We were looking into the future at that time because the Bretton Woods
system of fixed but adjustable parities had been done away with and
we were foreseeing turmoil in the markets for currency and the financial
markets altogether and thought it was necessary for us Europeans to
create one currency but it took twenty years to bring that concept
into reality. In the beginning we were very careful not trumpeting
to the world that we are going to do that. We created a so-called
European monetary system, and the ECU twenty years ago. It was very
difficult to convince the Scandinavians or the British that this kind
of thing was the right thing to do. Right now only eleven member states
of the fifteen member states of the EU are participating in this common
currency. But these eleven really have abandoned their monetary sovereignty
and instead created one joint central bank system in order to independently
from political influences manage the joint currency.
Although the Euro is an important and a major step, it is by far not
the last step in the European integrative process. And it does not
in itself make the European Union into a future world power. We do
still lack for instance a joint foreign and security policy. And we
do lack the institutions, which you would need for carrying out a
joint policy vis a vis the rest of the world.
Therefore it is, difficult to foresee whether or not the EU will become
a world power and if so, when will it become a world power but certainly,
will it be an economic power of sorts.
Now whether we are going to three or four or five world powers in
twenty or thirty years time anyway, the expected global changes that
I've sketched out will pose new questions of global importance. Let
me just give you six or seven examples for the new questions.
For instance, how can mankind limit the damages to the atmosphere
and to the waters of the oceans, the damages to our natural global
habitat altogether, all these damages that are bound to happen due
to the continuation both of the population explosion and the progressing
industrialization of nowadays and then nine billion human beings.
Or the other question, who has to make the sacrifices? Who will take
the ultimate decision on sacrifices? Or the other question, does the
world's population need a globally coordinated energy policy? Or the
more important question, can we stop the population explosion? How
do we do this? Who will do it? And at what political costs?
And if the population explosion could not be dampened, and if therefore
dozens of local and regional wars are to happen, in Asia, in Africa,
maybe also in Latin America, just to give you an example, within the
decade of the nineties, our decade the world has seen twenty-four
or maybe twenty-six rather bloody local and regional wars and so-called
civil wars. Rwanda, Burundi alone cost about 900 thousand lives.
And this kind of thing will go on due to overpopulation in the future.
And then in which cases do other powers have the task, moral or political
necessity to step in to intervene in order to stop murder, in order
to stop expulsion, and who decides? Last time, the decision was taken
outside the Security Council or the United Nations.
On the other hand, the United Nations are the only world organization
that we do have. Must we not strengthen the United Nations? Should
we allow it to be weakened further, as it has been in the case of
the Milosevic or Kosovo?
Or will we choose to depend on cooperative world governance by an
oligopoly of four or five world powers, and who will then impose their
decisions on the rest of two hundred nations? And the last illustrative
example of the tasks, which the new century will be imposing onto
ourselves, how can we prevent a new cold war?
This time between China and the United States of America and possibly
the allies of the USA. How can we prevent a clash between Western
and Islamic civilization? In ten years time there will be more Muslims
living on this globe than so-called Christians. Now let me leave all
these questions open, the answer to them anyway will heavily bear
upon our economic and also our political future.
My second chapter is on the present day situation of the home countries
of the three major currencies of today. Let me take the US first.
The Americans can indeed be proud of their long period of growth,
and of very very low unemployment. They're at full employment practically
speaking. They can also legitimately praise the Reagan deregulations
and certainly both the Europeans and the Japanese have to learn something
from those deregulations.
Not only the Japanese. Also most of the Europeans, certainly my own
country. But then there are at least two major psychological differences
between the average American and the average Japanese or European.
Both these difference have their origins in the genes of those daring
people who two hundred years, three hundred years ago did have the
guts to alleviate their misery in Ireland or in Russia or in Germany,
other places of Europe, having nothing in their hands when they arrived
in America except the self-confidence that they would make it by their
own effort.
It was an elite that has emigrated from Europe to North America, and
they have created children and grandchildren, who inherited the genes
of this elite. From that tradition stems the relatively high horizontal
mobility in the United States, also in Canada. Also stems the relatively
little demand for public welfare institutions.
Most Europeans and also Japanese are quite unlikely ever to move thousands
of miles in order to find a new job. Very unlikely. You have to come
from a developing country in order to undertake such a move over thousands
of miles. You have to come out of Yugoslavia, but certainly not people
in Austria or in Japan or in France will ever get on the move. And
certainly will the Europeans not give up our welfare state, which
in our view was so far the last great cultural achievement in Europe.
Of course, Europeans will have to admit that we have overdone the
welfare state and it does need some repair. Now as regards the job
creation in America, there seems to be three possible off-cycles in
the future.
Number one, the stock-market bubble may burst. If we are lucky, it
goes down stepwise. No stock-market bubble ever has lasted forever.
Number two, the stock-market in the main is being financed by corporations
on the one side, and by flight capital from all over the world. From
Asia, from Russia, from Latin America and capital imports from Japan,
also partially from Europe. The net capital import into the United
States annually is in the order of 300 billion dollars, every year.
Or in other words, the international indebtedness of the US economy
is growing vastly, very quickly. For the time being, possibly prolonged
by the war against Serbia, there is no need to fear the necessity
to transfer dividends and interests or even to transfer back capital
from the US to the lender countries.
But one has to know that no other country in the world can imitate
that scheme, which is one of the major factors in the long-lasting
boom in the USA. No other country in the world could imitate that
scheme. But then, of course, it needs to be noted that the private
household savings rate in the United States is standing at zero, actually
below zero. They are dissaving, desaving. I don't know whether there
is such an English word. And also, one has to note that they have
created a new underclass of thirty or forty million working poor,
which is unthinkable to do in this country or in Europe. So, not all
the lessons which the Americans try to sell you and sell us and sell
the Russians and other people are really worthwhile to be taken seriously
in our situations.
Now as in regard of Europe, at least two things do the Europeans have
to learn from America. One is deregulation. And secondly the much
more effective system of colleges of universities, of private elite
universities, plus the enormous effort at scientific research. They
are just the masters in these fields.
On the other hand, you will not forget and I certainly will not forget
that in the end of the 1970s, take for instance the Tokyo Summit of
the G7 in 78, it was the Americans who urged the Japanese and the
Germans to play the role of the so-called locomotive for the world's
economy at large. I would like you to remember this in order to understand
that also American trees are not growing into the sky. There are weaknesses
as well, to come also in the future, not only in the past. In the
1980s then, Japan became the scapegoat for many American concerns.
You were responsible for their trade deficit, in their view. They
made you responsible. Today the Americans feel rather happy, although
their trade balance still is in deep deficit, but the question in
my view also remains whether or not Washington, let us say toward
the end of the next decade, still will teach the world how to create
jobs.
Now on Europe still the most pressing economic social and political
problem is the high unemployment. Only the Dutch and the Danes have
reached a remarkable successful for. And their success is not in the
main due to tax policies or budgetary or monetary policies, in the
main is it due to a bundle of measure and agreements relating to the
labor market on the basis of good cooperation between unions and enterprises
and their federations and the governments. The rest of West Europeans
may learn from these examples.
Europeans have to learn a number of things, the number one requirement
is cautious but effective deregulation of the labor market.
Number two requirement, if you want to create new jobs, is deregulation
in almost any other field where entrepreneurs and corporations are
being strangled by laws and by the judiciary.
Number three requirement is a gradual reorientation of state budgets.
A gradual decrease of items that have consumptive effects, an increase
of those items that do have long-term effects like investment in infrastructure
and in the educational system.
And this latter word leads me to the last most important requirement,
namely to instigate a Europe wide expansion of the efforts in basic
scientific research, also in application-oriented research and development.
This in my view is the most important requirement in the long run.
And I guess it's also true for Japan.
Let me come to Japan. Most of the recipes which I have enumerated
in the case of Western Europe may not really fit for Japan. The Japanese
governments, one after the other have tried out massive deficit spending,
massive expansion of money supply following Keynes, but it hasn't
really worked as yet. And why hasn't it? Because the reasons for the
lack of economic demand in Japan, the reasons for that are not so
much economic but instead, they are political and, in the main, psychological.
The nations seems to have lost its confidence in its banking system.
Also has it lost its confidence in the efficiency of the bureaucracy,
particularly the bureaucracy of the Ministry of Finance, and in the
government altogether. Over decades the Ministry of Finance has been
calling the shots, maybe together with MITI. Their political clout
was used to carry out the drafts and proposals of the financial bureaucrats.
Now that the financial bureaucrats have failed, at least three times,
they let the stock market and real estate bubbles happen, they allowed
the banks to finance the bubbles, and when the bubbles burst, the
collateral of the banks were severely depreciated, but the Ministry
of Finance closed their eyes and didn't do anything. Now the banks
have to be rescued, but the bureaucracy has lost its authority, and
the politicians are finding themselves on their own, for the first
time in five decades.
They can't rely anymore to the old degree on the bureaucracy. But
then the politicians in this country have no great experience in this
field. Unemployment, on the other hand, is still very low, if measured
by European yardsticks. Of course, the Southeast Asian troubles also
did play a negative role but what in my view Japan dearly needs is
the recreation of confidence by the nation in its government which
requires leadership and authority.
There's little use I think in many lessons which outsiders from Europe
like myself or outsiders from American hand out to the Japanese. Some
of these recipes may be worthwhile to accept, but in the main, the
Japanese crisis economically speaking is nothing more than a banking
crisis that has mushroomed psychologically into a crisis of
confidence in general. Otherwise the economy is not in bad shape.
My last chapter is on the present situation of the global financial
markets, which in the main are being moved by the behavior of American
and European and Japanese participants, from dealers thirty years
old sitting on a desk where they have a number of screens and I don't
know ten or twelve telephones. From these young dealers to central
banks or from marketing managers to government, it's in the main the
Americans, Europeans, and Japanese who move the financial markets.
In case that we are to enjoy a rather normal development over the
next couple of years, which means no stock market crash in America,
which means a steady recovery in Southeast Asia, which means no large
armed conflict or the threat of it, in that benevolent case, the Euro
as a currency, will begin less than three to four years worldwide
be regarded to be a stable currency, stable both in regard of its
purchasing power at home, so-called inflation rate records closed,
and also stable in regard of its exchange rates vis-・vis other currency,
probably more stable in exchange rates, more stable than Deutschmark
ever has been.
In DMs exchange rates, brackets closed. Whereas the old European currencies
altogether made up some twenty percent of official global currency
reserves of which 20% 16 was Deutschmark, I would guess within a couple
of years the share of Euro as a reserve currency will grow to about
one third of all currency reserves outside Europe, to the expense
of the share of the American greenback as a reserve currency. And
of course quite a few private investors will do the same thing which
central banks are going to do.
In my view the role of Euro will rather soon become equal to the role
of the United States dollars in international trade and invoicing.
Maybe also in the international bond market, but somewhat less in
all the other international financial markets. The role of Yen as
a reserve currency may increase some. It could increase its role as
a currency which is used in invoicing in international trade, but
this will in the main depend on the behavior of Japanese exporting
manufacturers. As long as you denominate your invoice in dollars,
my friend Miyazawa-san may make speeches on the role of Yen, but it
is the exporting manufacturers in Japan that have a much greater influence
on the role of the Yen than does have the Japanese government or the
central bank.
I guess that the Yen will not so soon become a major currency in the
short-term capital markets, nor the long-term capital markets of the
world due to the loss of confidence in the private banking system
of this country. But this will not very likely affect the international
confidence in the Yen. Rather the contrary. As long as the Japanese
current account remains in considerable surplus, as long will
Yen tend to be valued by the markets. Even if one doesn't receive
much interest from Yen.
As regards the United States dollars, the American with continue to
disregard the exchange right of their currency. They will stick to
the philosophy of benign neglect, which they invented 30 years ago
when they dismantled the Bretton-Woods system. That benign neglect
philosophy will to prevail, and given the comparatively lower integration
of the real US economy into the global markets of goods, the Americans
will stick to their philosophy-a dollar is a dollar is a dollar is
a dollar. To hell with the Euro and Yen another currencies, they don't
really matter in the eyes of the Americans. In the longer run, let
me say over a few decades or so, the Chinese Yuan may gain a
3rd important position as a currency used for international trade
in goods. It remains on their invoicing behavior, much more than on
anything else.
And what would happen if, against my expectations, against our hopes,
we indeed do get a crash in the stock market in New York. Meaning
a crash also in Tokyo and Zurich, in Amsterdam and London, Hong Kong
all the places. Or if we do get a crash elsewhere of global implications.
Of course, the federal reserve of the European central bank system,
and any other central bank will play their rolls as lender of last
resort. But what about those growingly powerful private financial
institutions, which, for instance, are based on some off-shore island?
Like the famous long-term capital management fund?
The likelihood of a global deflationary crisis seems very small indeed,
given all the experiences that central bankers have in the back of
their minds. States and central banks are experienced enough and able
to prevent that but a banking crisis also can have domino effects.
Chain reactions. And this is quite a different thing, not under the
control of the central bankers. Alan Greenspan the other day has urged
governments to install international regulatory standards for capital
requirements. He's not the first one who has asked that. We have been
asking this at least since twenty-four months.
And I would ask the question, international standards, capital requirements
for banks only?
What about funds?
What about non-banks?
Who nevertheless are engaged daily in voluminous transactions in the
short-term markets, particularly in the derivative markets.
Non-banks. Playing an enormous role. Totally apart from the public's
eye, and totally apart from the eyes of supervisory agencies. Certainly
do we need different capital adequacy standards for different categories
of risks. Also do we need international harmonization and better cooperation
between national supervisory agencies?
But as well do we need to solve the problem of the private off-shore
mailbox for financial institutions, which do escape standards, and
supervision, and taxation in many cases but which move around billions
every day. The world at large now in this vary field is not overly
benefited by leaders.
The IMF has lost great chunks of its former credibility and certainly
pretty much become a regulatory international agency. It has lost
its credibility as an advisor to crisis-ridden countries and also
as a lender of so-called last resort. But also the G7 finance ministers
who since the summer of 97, autumn of 97 and summer of 98, have been
talking and giving interviews and speeches on all these subjects,
but have done very very little to install transparency, supervision
onto the short-term money markets or to regulate privately-owned and
privately-managed funds which are in fact behaving like global superbanks.
Not at all being supervised in the same scrupulous manner in which
every little small savings bank in Europe is being supervised.
To sum it all up, the flexibility of exchange rates between our major
currencies I guess will remain in place. But the dangerously high
volatility of exchange rates does stem from the unchecked, herd-like
behavior of some private institutions which makes the whole system
look like a lottery rather than solid banking.
The G7 ought to put harmonized supervision in place in all the seven
major economic countries. Supervision over all private financial institutions.
In other words, they must restore that kind of order which had prevailed
over decades until the beginning of the 1970s. Until off-shore financing
became fashionable and until the derivatives market mushroomed. They
didn't exist in the 60s. They came into being only after the doing
away of the Bretton-Woods system.
To cut a long story short, at the beginning of the 21st century, it's
imperative to my mind, imperative for the political leaders in America,
in Japan, in Europe, to regain regulatory power over dangerous private
speculation.
The group of seven in addressing these tasks would be well advised
if they invited China to fully participate, because China is, as I
said earlier, inevitably on its way to become a major global player,
not only in the strategic realm but as well in the fields of trade
and of finance and they should be given the chance to learn early
what the risks and what the problems and what the chances and what
the solutions are. So to sum it up, my appeal is two-fold.
Let us deal diligently with our present day problems, and they are
solvable. But in solving them, do let us always have in mind the long-term
perspectives. The OECD countries did not have the long perspectives
in mind at the time when the Bretton-Woods system of fixed by adjustable
parities was abandoned. They just looked until the next year, and
the year thereafter. They didn't undertake any adequate preparations
for a very uncertain future, a future that they would never have known,
also not had the world known such a situation before World War I.
Floating exchange rates. Absolutely new, for governments, also for
enterprises, also for banks. And the fact that the OECD countries
are together at the beginning of the 70s did not look into the future
then rather quickly let these two oil price shocks happen, the answer
to which were not prepared for, and let happen a number of international
financial crises, particularly the crisis of nations ever since. In
our present day situation quick fixes from day to day may be unavoidable,
but they should be taken under the aspect of their long-term consequences.
It's true that John Maynard Keynes has said that in the long run we
all are dead, but mind you, our children and our grandchildren will
have to live when we are dead. And therefore the present generation
must not leave behind a globalized financial system in turmoil. Or
you might even call it a global non-system.
Thank
you very much for your attention.
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